By Laura A.M. Stewart
On 23 July 1637, riots broke out in Edinburgh. those disturbances brought on the cave in of royal authority around the British Isles. This quantity explores the political and non secular tradition within the Scottish capital from the reign of James VI and that i to the Cromwellian career. It examines for the 1st time the significance of Edinburgh to the formation of the Scottish competition circulate and to the institution of the innovative Covenanting regime. even though the first concentration is the Scottish capital, an explicitly British standpoint is maintained. it is a wide-ranging learn that engages in debates approximately early sleek city tradition, the matter of a number of monarchy and the difficulty of post-Reformation non secular radicalism.
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On 23 July 1637, riots broke out in Edinburgh. those disturbances prompted the cave in of royal authority around the British Isles. This quantity explores the political and non secular tradition within the Scottish capital from the reign of James VI and that i to the Cromwellian profession. It examines for the 1st time the significance of Edinburgh to the formation of the Scottish competition circulation and to the institution of the innovative Covenanting regime.
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Extra resources for Urban Politics And the British Civil Wars: Edinburgh, 1617-53 (The Northern World)
For kirk session material, see Chapter Two, n. 11. 42 chapter one Informal Inﬂuence: the ‘Neighbours’ of Edinburgh One other body of people associated with the council, but not directly controlled by it, needs to be considered. Government can operate only on the basis of consensus, and although this is the buzz-word of the modern media-obsessed politician, it has equal validity for early modern oligarchies. Not only did the town council have to consider the needs of the community it governed, but it had to be seen to be considering those needs.
There are no references to such an event in the town council minutes or the treasurer’s accounts. Instead of these meetings, the council seem to have speciﬁcally requested the presence of the ‘neighbours’ at some of their otherwise closed sessions. The term ‘neighbour’ suggests a small, speciﬁc, identiﬁable group of people familiar with one another. This was a concept which ﬁtted neatly with the traditional view of the burgh as an all-inclusive single community of burgesses, suggesting that the council was keen to perpetuate that idea even if the actual practice of consulting with all the town’s burgesses was no longer relevant or practical.
50 Edinburgh had its local concerns, but it remained a community of national and supra-national importance. More work needs to be carried out on the role of the capital’s merchants in establishing links with London puritans and parliamentarians, a relationship hinted at 46 Goodare, ‘Parliament and society’, 448. I. Macinnes, Charles I and the Making of the Covenanting Movement (Edinburgh, 1991), 183. I. ), Scottish National Covenant, 106–7. R. Young, The Scottish Parliament 1639–61: A Political and Constitutional analysis (Edinburgh, 1996).
Urban Politics And the British Civil Wars: Edinburgh, 1617-53 (The Northern World) by Laura A.M. Stewart