By H. Thörn
Looking at anti-apartheid as a part of the background of current worldwide politics, this publication offers the 1st comparative research of other sections of the transnational anti-apartheid move. the writer emphasizes the significance of a old standpoint on political cultures, social activities, and international civil society.
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Additional resources for Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society
And in the sense of cultural or 'racial' borders, not just the politics of the apartheid regime, but also the practice of solidarity work, involved constructing a number of borders between 'us' and 'them'. Such borders were often related to national identities and interests as well as national political cultures. As this book shows, globalization does not necessarily mean that the nation state, understood as a political space, is fading away. Rather, the nation state gains new meanings in the context of globalization, just as globalization has different meanings in different national contexts.
64 The most important aspect of the debate on apartheid/anti-apartheid in this regard is that from 1960 and on, following the British Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's 'Winds of Change' speech in South Africa in Introduction 23 January and the Sharpeville massacre in March, an uncontested aspect of apartheid/anti-apartheid discourse in both Britain and Sweden (as well as in most parts of the world) consisted of a consensus that there must be change in South Africa. Because apartheid in such a profound way contradicted the values that were the cornerstones of the liberal hegemony of the Western world after the Second World War, the anti-apartheid movement always had an upper hand in public debates in Western countries.
As a 'postcolonial capital', London became an important centre of South African exile activists, organizations and activities. Further, two of the most important organizations in the transnational solidarity network, IDAF and the British AAM, had their base in London. Looking at the case of Sweden, Southern Africa was the most important region receiving Swedish aid during the period of the anti-apartheid struggle. 57 The extensive financial support to the ANC from the Swedish State, under the rule of Social Democrats as well as non-socialist coalitions, could partly be understood in relation to contacts between ANC leaders and young Social Democratic and Liberal internationalists in the 1950s and 1960s.
Anti-Apartheid and the Emergence of a Global Civil Society by H. Thörn